Female Migration in Bangladesh

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Despite the prevalence of migrant labour from Bangladesh, the rights of migrant workers, particularly women migrants as humans and workers needs to be more thoroughly addressed. In the context of Bangladesh, women’s mobility for the purpose of education, health care and jobs is restricted by structural factors, informed by socioeconomic and cultural conditions and reinforced by discriminatory practices and legal instruments. The issue of female labour migration is stigmatised. This has resulted in decreased women’s participation in the overseas labour market. As a state party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the Government of Bangladesh is responsible for addressing the issue of equality of women in general and female labour migrants in particular, to comply with observation 34 of the CEDAW Committee. It is anticipated that meeting the obligation of CEDAW will help to empower potential female labour migrants in making migration decisions independently, overcoming existing barriers.^[1]

Public policy

Since the 1980s, along with male workers, women also started taking part in the global contractual labour market, although in a very small proportion. During the early years, women migrants mostly consisted of doctors, nurses and teachers.

However, migration of semi‐skilled and low‐skilled women workers is a new phenomenon and the number of women workers from Bangladesh remains rather low.

Since 1980 when semi‐ and low‐skilled women started migrating, successive governments put partial or complete bans on their migration as a measure of protection. In 2003 the Government of Bangladesh withdrew its restriction on the migration of semi‐ and low skilled women migrants. The Government's Overseas Employment Policy of 2006 recognised the equal right of men and women to migrate for employment.

These policy changes caused a shift in the numbers of women migrating for work. From 1991 to 2000, female migration represented less than 1% of all migration. Since changes to the policy on female migration in 2003, this number has steadily increased reaching 5% in 2009. ^[2]

Social factors

While it is most certainly the case that public policy on migration has shaped Bangladeshi migration flows, societal factors stipulating particular gender roles have also greatly impacted female labour migration. Women’s engagement has traditionally been confined to household chores, reproduction and some in-house community management. In contemporary times, educated women have claimed more freedoms than less educated or uneducated women, particularly in choosing income‐generating activities that include migrating for work. These women have also been able to take part in household decision‐making processes. However, for less and/or uneducated women, migration has generally been viewed as a humiliation and said to lead to dire consequences for the migrant - i.e. getting deserted by their husband. As such, female labour migration has been discouraged in Bangladesh.^[3]

Reasons contributing to female labour migration

There is the argument that it is the culmination of structural and individual situational actors combined with the strong role of organizations that ultimately led women to migration^[4], and that it is the desire for economic advancement that is the most important push factor. Diversification of family income is also cited as an important reason for migration, as well as social factors such as women’s empowerment and involvement with NGOs, oppressive social institutions and practices, exploitation of patriarchy, temporary escape from unhappy family and social situations and escape from harassment and violence.^[4]

Policy on female migration

In the early 1970s the Government of Bangladesh did not have any concrete policy either to encourage or discourage female Migration. On an individual or recruitment agency initiative, Bangladeshi women began to take jobs in the Middle‐eastern countries. In early 1981, through a Presidential Order, certain categories of female workers were barred from migrating overseas for employment. The Order stated that professional and skilled women could migrate as principal workers but semi‐skilled and unskilled women could not go overseas without a male guardian. It is not known what prompted the government to take such a decision. However, it has been claimed that in 1980 the then Bangladeshi association of migrant workers of Kuwait placed a Memorandum to a visiting Minister of the Bangladesh Government. In the Memorandum, among other things, the Association strongly demanded that the government put a bar on the migration of women for employment. It was further claimed that on the basis of their demand the Minister convinced the cabinet to impose this ban on the migration of unskilled and semi‐skilled women. The measure was justified on the ground that the dignity of women was protected by it. In 1988 the government slightly modified its position. It withdrew the ban and imposed a restriction on the migration of unskilled and semi‐skilled women. This implied that in principle, the government still held the position that these categories of women should not be allowed to migrate on their own. However, it would consider specific cases and let them migrate under a special permission. This restriction prevailed until 1997.^[5]

In November 1997, following an inter‐ministerial meeting of representatives of the ministries of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Labour and Cabinet Division, the Government of Bangladesh re-imposed a complete ban on migration of women except for those who were highly qualified professionals such as doctors, engineers and teachers. This policy was the most regressive one, since for the first time it put a ban even on professions such as nurses, typists, secretarial assistants and skilled workers such as garments or factory workers along with the un‐skilled, semi‐skilled domestic aides or cleaners. This policy shift was again rationalized as a protective measure. However, this decision led to a major campaign by different civil society organizations. The Association of International Recruiting Agencies (BAIRA), the trade body of the recruiting agent, was also very active in the movement to rescind the order. BAIRA lamented that while Indonesia and other Muslim countries were developing strategies to take advantage of such a decision, the Government had taken an opposite stance.^[5]

In 2003, the new Ministry of Expatriates’ Welfare and Overseas Employment (MoEWOE) brought in changes in female labour migration policy. This allowed unskilled or semi‐skilled women to migrate under special permission once they become 35 years of age. In order to ensure the safety of women who migrate, the government included certain conditions around protection. The security deposit required of the recruiting agents who wish to send women has been increased to Taka 5,000,000 (70,850 USD). In addition, the government encouraged the private sector to develop training centres for providing specialised professional skills, communication skills and awareness training to female migrants. Aspirant women are trained in the use of domestic appliances, taught basic English and Arabic languages, and given awareness about their legal entitlements in respect to wages, accommodation and medical services.^[5]

In 2006 the Ministry, through a notification, further relaxed female migration. The age limit in case of domestic and garments workers was further reduced from 35 to 25 years. The age limit will not be applied to those who would migrate as cleaners. Restrictions on unmarried women were also withdrawn. It may be concluded that the seventh parliamentary government has brought about significant changes in migration policy regarding unskilled and semi skilled workers. However, men and women do not yet enjoy equal access to participation in the international labour markets even under this updated policy.^[6]

Siddiqui’s study mentioned in Ullah's paper^[4] reveals that both domestic aides and factory workers experienced long working hours. Domestic aides were more vulnerable and they did not have any concept of holidays. There were restrictions on their movement. Communication between female domestic workers and their families at home were not always regular. Some women migrants experienced physical violence and sexual abuse. The Bangladesh missions were yet to develop appropriate institutional mechanisms to respond to situations involving violation of rights of female migrants.

The migration of women brought about mixed results for their children. In some cases, better opportunities for education could be created for children, and for others, their education suffered because of an absence of the principal women members of the household. Early marriage of sons and daughters of female migrants were noted. Sons were married off early so that their brides could look after the households, while daughters were married, as their protection could not be ensured in the absence of their mothers. It was further found that the workload of elderly women in the household increased tremendously in the absence of female migrants, while male members shouldered very little additional responsibility. In some instances, male spouses of female migrants developed emotional ties with other women, and broke off their marriages, at times abandoning their children.

Stigma and discrimination

The government has no specific policy or programme to address the stigma rooted in Bangladeshi society. There are some NGOs and community based organizations working in the field of migration and development that have undertaken several programmes to encourage female labour migration. That said, these programmes are highly motivated by economic gains, cost effectiveness and their income generating features rather than addressing the obstacles to female labour migration.

A positive image of female migrant workers should be put forward by the Government of Bangladesh to encourage both government and civil society to promote and protect their rights. The Government should also work with NGOs to promote and protect the rights of female migrant workers.^[7]

Women’s vulnerability

Women suffer from various forms of mistreatment and abuse, not only in the process of migration but also on their arrival in the destination country. They become victims of sexual harassment, physical abuse and are denied basic rights by their employers and co‐workers. Female domestic workers are in the worst position, as they are often forced to accept conditions akin to a state of captivity. Migrant women are often denied access to any forms of redress in case of maltreatment or abuse in an alien country.

In addition, due to traditional expectations in terms of what constitutes ‘appropriate women’s work’, most migrant women are concentrated in jobs that are ‘typically female’ - working as domestic workers, entertainers, restaurant/hotel staff, assembly‐line workers in clothing and electronics industries, etc. These jobs are low in pay, are subject to harsh conditions, and are generally shunned by local women. Many migrant women are subject to patriarchal stereotypes that cast them as docile, obedient, and willing to provide personal service.

Their jobs and their social status lead to isolation and vulnerability, and oftentimes exploitation and abuse. This is exacerbated by the fact that many migrant women are low skilled, uneducated and illiterate, and as such, it is difficult for them to access the information they might need to remedy their situations.^[8]